A ruthless businessman who made hay while financial crisis engulfed the world of politics, business and glamour. Amar Singh is best known for attending Bollywood award functions, posing with Ambani, taking religious tours with the Big B, hopping ideologies, and his love-hate relationship with Netaji (Mulayam Singh Yadav). His humble upbringing and translucent business activities often made his combined net worth (with his wife), to the tune of around ₹100 crore. It is still unclear, how a man of humble beginnings has amassed wealth and power of such magnitude.
As the SP family feud gains momentum, with the Akhilesh camp openly blaming Amar Singh for the cause of rift, let us take a look at who Amar Singh is and why Netaji’s love for Amar Singh is beyond reasonable explanation.
According to reportage, in 1985, Vir Bahadur Singh, the then Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh was in Kolkata and Amar Singh, a member of Youth Congress was entrusted with the responsibility of attending to him at a Thakur community festival. Impressed with Amar Singh’s social skills, the CM extended him an invitation to visit Uttar Pradesh. Thus, began, Amar Singh’s affair with India’s most politically crucial state. This also marked the beginning of his friendship with Netaji, who was then a staunch socialist, worked at the grass root level and followed the instructions of veteran socialist leader and thinker Madhu Limaye.Amar Singh’s rendezvous with industrialists and Bollywood gained prominence as he bailed them out of crisis, either by offering them financial aid or liaising for them at Lutyens’ Delhi. He wielded influence and power and had contacts with both rustic politicians and elite socialites. During the mid-1990s, Amar Singh had personally achieved very little political or professional success. There is very little information on his business activities that justify his exponential social and financial growth. With Bachchan on his left, and Ambani on his right, Singh had little to worry about.
In the meanwhile, Mulayam Singh Yadav’s political aspirations had reached Delhi. However, his reach was limited within the boundaries of his state. During the 1996 Lok Sabha elections, Mulayam Singh Yadav saw the Third Front as a potential gateway to Delhi. Now a cabinet member and Minister of Defence, Mulayam Singh Yadav saw political merit in forging ties with Amar Singh. He was soon appointed as the General Secretary of Samajwadi Party, dwarfing the existing team of SP loyalists like Raj Babbar, Beni Prasad Verma, Azam Khan and Netaji’s younger brother Shivpal Yadav.
Amar Singh’s political aspirations were insatiable. He became SP’s spokesperson and was elected to the Rajya Sabha in 1996 itself. The power equation in SP continued to skew in favour of Singh. He enjoyed clout amongst industrialists. Industrialists funded SP through their nose, and Singh was suitably rewarded. He was re-elected to Rajya Sabha in 2002. Amar Singh was the bridge between politics and glamour; he added gloss to dark annals of gruesome power. On the other hand, he was instrumental in breeding a culture of star campaigners and star politicians in North India. He was the cash cow for SP, though he ensured he saved the cream for himself. He forged mutually beneficial business alliances which permitted him to afford kickbacks, with political legitimacy. His ability to get the political-industrial-celebrity mix was so lethal that Netaji deserted his socialist ideals for a hard-core socialite.
Amidst the multiple controversies and corruption charges, Amar Singh was yet to win an election, connect with the SP vote bank, or prove himself to be a seasoned politician. He made some lifetime enemies in SP, who continue to haunt him, even today.
While Amar Singh failed to establish a connect with the common man, he was also facing stiff competition from the patriarch’s own son. Akhilesh Yadav not only enjoyed strong internal party support, he lapped love of the public with his youthful energy and pro-development agenda. He was looked upon as the natural successor to Netaji, making things difficult for Singh. Moreover, Netaji did not see himself in Delhi anytime soon. Singh was a diminishing marginal utility curve, as his ties with Bollywood faded, and industrialists saw him as a mere broker of power. Netaji expelled Singh. He also announced his retirement from active political life.
Singh’s network lost its charm. His appearances at social events reduced, his health declined. Singh was a setting sun that had basked in its glory, by just being around stars. Six years later, Netaji caught everyone off guard by mending fences with Singh again. With the impending 2017 elections and Netaji reinstating Singh in the party with due power and position, is Netaji making plans for a larger role at Lutyens’ Delhi, yet again? How will Netaji meet Singh’s expectations and his son’s aspirations?
Does Singh still have it in him to make kings? Has Singh’s charm faded with time, or is he a man of real action?