The Running Elephant: India’s GDP Growth Under Manmohan Singh And Modi

The National Statistical Commission (NSC) Committee on Real Sector Statistics released its draft report a week ago. This report became significant in the political spectrum as it opened up a debate on under whose regime India exhibited a better economic growth – Dr Manmohan Singh or Narendra Modi?

In January 2015, Narendra Modi government revised the base year of national income estimates from 2004-05 to 2011-12. It was not merely a change in the base year, but also a complete revamp in the methodology of calculating India’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The new series with the base year 2011-12 repealed GDP at factor price and replaced it with internationally-accepted Gross Value Added (GVA) at basic prices for the estimation of the national income. Apart from that, the MCA 21 database, an e-governance initiative of the Union Ministry of Corporate Affairs which allows approximately seven lakh firms to file their annual balance sheet electronically, is now used for the calculation. The government has also expanded the coverage of agricultural and financial sectors, local bodies and other autonomous institutions in the new series, which makes it more complicated.

It is necessary to link the old and new series of national income accounts for tracing the economic growth over the years without any discontinuity in figures as these figures are the basis for policy formulation and implementation. However, the process of creating back series for the present GDP estimates was a mammoth task due to the complexity of data. For instance, the MCA 21 data was available from 2007-08 but not on a comparable basis – the database only stabilised from 2010-11 onwards.

The NSC’s Committee took the initiative to generate back series for the present GDP estimates in their draft report. Using production shift approach, they calculated the GDP growth rates between the years 1994-95 and 2013-14 with the new base year. According to the committee’s GDP estimates, the nation achieved double-digit growth rate twice during the time of Dr Singh’s government – i.e. in 2007-08 (10.23%) and 2010-11 (10.78%). This triggered a ‘war of numbers’ between the ruling-BJP and the main opposition Congress party. The Congress leadership took immense pride in their achievement and soon targeted Modi government all over social media with the #DrSinghGDPKing hashtag. The BJP leaders, led by Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, countered Congress’ claim by stating that Atal Bihari Vajpayee government handed over a highly growing economy to the Congress in 2004 and that was the reason for high GDP growth during Dr Singh’s tenure as the Prime Minister. They further stated that the BJP government under Prime Minister Modi inherited a fragile economy in 2014 due to the ten years of Congress’ economic mismanagement.

However, it is futile to debate on NSC committee’s draft report when the report itself states that their estimates/figures are not final and not to be quoted anywhere. Also, though the report shows that the new series is directly in line with the old series, the committee needs to provide more clarity on their GDP estimates. For instance, why did the share of service sector drastically decline from 24.7% (old series) to 17.4% (new series) in 2011-12? And how did the growth rates since 1994-95, where the old series was consistently higher than the new series, altered its trend from 2003-04 onwards? One can only deal with these questions when the Committee on Real Sector Statistics releases their final report.

India’s GDP Growth: Singh vs. Modi

But the question that will remain crucial till the upcoming Lok Sabha polls is who was able to deliver a better GDP growth rate – Dr Singh or Modi? In 2004, when the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA-I) under the prime ministership of Dr Manmohan Singh came into power, the nation’s GDP growth rate was at 7.8% (As per IMF data). During the initial years of Dr Singh’s government, there was a rapid rise in India’s GDP growth rate – 9.3%, 9.8% and 9.8% in 2005, 2006 and 2007 respectively. There was a setback in 2008 as country’s GDP dropped by 5.9% to 3.9%. This decline in the GDP growth rate is mostly because of the global economic crisis of 2008. However, the economy geared up immediately and the GDP rose to 8.5% in 2009 and touched a double-digit in 2010, i.e. 10.3%. This growth acceleration increased people’s confidence in the UPA government which led to their continuance in power in 2009 elections.

Things did not go in UPA’s favour from 2011 onwards. The global crude oil prices skyrocketed, and it hovered around $100-110 per barrel by mid-2014. Since India is an oil-importing nation, this created the havoc in UPA government’s growth expectations. Then, in 2012, the Greece-Spain sovereign debt crisis made a spill-over effect on the Indian economy as the government budget conditions worsened. The value of the Indian rupee depreciated to a record low of ₹68 to the US dollars in 2013. The government was also not able to control the high rate of inflation caused by the rapid rise in oil prices. The inflation rate remained between 9% and 11% in the years 2009-13. As the consumers cut down on their spending due to the soaring prices, the production and investment also declined in the economy. This, in turn, affected the nation’s GDP – India only recorded a growth rate of 6.6%, 5.5% and 6.3% in 2011, 2012 and 2013 respectively. The internal economic mismanagement and series of scandals in the final years of UPA-II government was the last nail on their coffin. In 2014 elections, the Congress party faced a historic defeat by shrinking into merely 44 seats.

When the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) came into power in 2014, the GDP growth rate was at 7.4%. In 2015, the GDP growth rate was at the rate of 8.2% – the highest rate in five years’ time. However, there was a dip in the GDP growth rate in 2016 and 2017, i.e. 7.1% and 6.7% respectively, as a result of demonetization shock and the hasty introduction of Goods and Service Tax (GST) in the economy. The GDP growth rate would have gone stooping low if the external environment was unfavourable like during the UPA-II regime. They had the good fortune of lower crude oil prices most of its tenure – in the early-2016, the global crude oil prices touched a record low of $30 per barrel. As a result, the inflation rate reached 3.6% in 2017 – but the farmers are distressed due to low income resulting in a sharp increase in agrarian protests and riots in the country. The increased Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and the favourable environment for doing business since 2014 has also come into Modi government’s advantage for maintaining a consistent GDP growth rate.

Now the distress caused by the demonetisation and GST has faded away. However, there is a cause for concern. Since the beginning of 2018, there is a number of factors such as the rapid rise of global crude oil prices and inflation, widening trade deficits, US President Donald Trump’s ‘trade war’, and Turkey’s ongoing financial turmoil, that is hampering India’s growth prospects – similar to the situation of 2013. The value of the Indian rupee depreciated to a record low of ₹70 to the US dollars in August. This will have an obvious impact on India’s GDP growth rate. In July 2018, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) updated the World Economic Outlook (WEO) report (dated April 2018), in which India’s forecasted GDP growth rate was revised from 7.4% and 7.8% to 7.3% and 7.5% for the years 2018 and 2019 respectively.

Sufficient Growth Rate?

India is often compared to neighbouring China while measuring the GDP growth rate. Some leaders in the treasury bench are happy and satisfied as India has superseded China’s GDP growth rate, making it one of the fastest growing economies in the world. But the fact is that China has a $12.014 trillion economy, while the Indian economy’s size is just $2.611 trillion (2017). The Chinese economy has also grown at a double-digit rate several times since the establishment of the communist state (especially after Deng Xiaoping’s liberal economic reforms), while that is not the case with India. India has attained a double-digit growth only once, i.e. in 2010 (10.3%).

Yes, considerably, there has been a good GDP growth rate during the tenures of both Dr Singh and Modi with certain loopholes. But, as an emerging economy that aspires to be a global power, is India’s present growth rate sufficient? The elephant is running, but needs to run faster!

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An ambassador and trained facilitator under Eco Femme (a social enterprise working towards menstrual health in south India), Sanjina is also an active member of the MHM Collective- India and Menstrual Health Alliance- India. She has conducted Menstrual Health sessions in multiple government schools adopted by Rotary District 3240 as part of their WinS project in rural Bengal. She has also delivered training of trainers on SRHR, gender, sexuality and Menstruation for Tomorrow’s Foundation, Vikramshila Education Resource Society, Nirdhan trust and Micro Finance, Tollygunj Women In Need, Paint It Red in Kolkata.

Now as an MH Fellow with YKA, she’s expanding her impressive scope of work further by launching a campaign to facilitate the process of ensuring better menstrual health and SRH services for women residing in correctional homes in West Bengal. The campaign will entail an independent study to take stalk of the present conditions of MHM in correctional homes across the state and use its findings to build public support and political will to take the necessary action.

Saurabh has been associated with YKA as a user and has consistently been writing on the issue MHM and its intersectionality with other issues in the society. Now as an MHM Fellow with YKA, he’s launched the Right to Period campaign, which aims to ensure proper execution of MHM guidelines in Delhi’s schools.

The long-term aim of the campaign is to develop an open culture where menstruation is not treated as a taboo. The campaign also seeks to hold the schools accountable for their responsibilities as an important component in the implementation of MHM policies by making adequate sanitation infrastructure and knowledge of MHM available in school premises.

Read more about his campaign.

Harshita is a psychologist and works to support people with mental health issues, particularly adolescents who are survivors of violence. Associated with the Azadi Foundation in UP, Harshita became an MHM Fellow with YKA, with the aim of promoting better menstrual health.

Her campaign #MeriMarzi aims to promote menstrual health and wellness, hygiene and facilities for female sex workers in UP. She says, “Knowledge about natural body processes is a very basic human right. And for individuals whose occupation is providing sexual services, it becomes even more important.”

Meri Marzi aims to ensure sensitised, non-discriminatory health workers for the needs of female sex workers in the Suraksha Clinics under the UPSACS (Uttar Pradesh State AIDS Control Society) program by creating more dialogues and garnering public support for the cause of sex workers’ menstrual rights. The campaign will also ensure interventions with sex workers to clear misconceptions around overall hygiene management to ensure that results flow both ways.

Read more about her campaign.

MH Fellow Sabna comes with significant experience working with a range of development issues. A co-founder of Project Sakhi Saheli, which aims to combat period poverty and break menstrual taboos, Sabna has, in the past, worked on the issue of menstruation in urban slums of Delhi with women and adolescent girls. She and her team also released MenstraBook, with menstrastories and organised Menstra Tlk in the Delhi School of Social Work to create more conversations on menstruation.

With YKA MHM Fellow Vineet, Sabna launched Menstratalk, a campaign that aims to put an end to period poverty and smash menstrual taboos in society. As a start, the campaign aims to begin conversations on menstrual health with five hundred adolescents and youth in Delhi through offline platforms, and through this community mobilise support to create Period Friendly Institutions out of educational institutes in the city.

Read more about her campaign. 

A student from Delhi School of Social work, Vineet is a part of Project Sakhi Saheli, an initiative by the students of Delhi school of Social Work to create awareness on Menstrual Health and combat Period Poverty. Along with MHM Action Fellow Sabna, Vineet launched Menstratalk, a campaign that aims to put an end to period poverty and smash menstrual taboos in society.

As a start, the campaign aims to begin conversations on menstrual health with five hundred adolescents and youth in Delhi through offline platforms, and through this community mobilise support to create Period Friendly Institutions out of educational institutes in the city.

Find out more about the campaign here.

A native of Bhagalpur district – Bihar, Shalini Jha believes in equal rights for all genders and wants to work for a gender-equal and just society. In the past she’s had a year-long association as a community leader with Haiyya: Organise for Action’s Health Over Stigma campaign. She’s pursuing a Master’s in Literature with Ambedkar University, Delhi and as an MHM Fellow with YKA, recently launched ‘Project अल्हड़ (Alharh)’.

She says, “Bihar is ranked the lowest in India’s SDG Index 2019 for India. Hygienic and comfortable menstruation is a basic human right and sustainable development cannot be ensured if menstruators are deprived of their basic rights.” Project अल्हड़ (Alharh) aims to create a robust sensitised community in Bhagalpur to collectively spread awareness, break the taboo, debunk myths and initiate fearless conversations around menstruation. The campaign aims to reach at least 6000 adolescent girls from government and private schools in Baghalpur district in 2020.

Read more about the campaign here.

A psychologist and co-founder of a mental health NGO called Customize Cognition, Ritika forayed into the space of menstrual health and hygiene, sexual and reproductive healthcare and rights and gender equality as an MHM Fellow with YKA. She says, “The experience of working on MHM/SRHR and gender equality has been an enriching and eye-opening experience. I have learned what’s beneath the surface of the issue, be it awareness, lack of resources or disregard for trans men, who also menstruate.”

The Transmen-ses campaign aims to tackle the issue of silence and disregard for trans men’s menstruation needs, by mobilising gender sensitive health professionals and gender neutral restrooms in Lucknow.

Read more about the campaign here.

A Computer Science engineer by education, Nitisha started her career in the corporate sector, before realising she wanted to work in the development and social justice space. Since then, she has worked with Teach For India and Care India and is from the founding batch of Indian School of Development Management (ISDM), a one of its kind organisation creating leaders for the development sector through its experiential learning post graduate program.

As a Youth Ki Awaaz Menstrual Health Fellow, Nitisha has started Let’s Talk Period, a campaign to mobilise young people to switch to sustainable period products. She says, “80 lakh women in Delhi use non-biodegradable sanitary products, generate 3000 tonnes of menstrual waste, that takes 500-800 years to decompose; which in turn contributes to the health issues of all menstruators, increased burden of waste management on the city and harmful living environment for all citizens.

Let’s Talk Period aims to change this by

Find out more about her campaign here.

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A former Assistant Secretary with the Ministry of Women and Child Development in West Bengal for three months, Lakshmi Bhavya has been championing the cause of menstrual hygiene in her district. By associating herself with the Lalana Campaign, a holistic menstrual hygiene awareness campaign which is conducted by the Anahat NGO, Lakshmi has been slowly breaking taboos when it comes to periods and menstrual hygiene.

A Gender Rights Activist working with the tribal and marginalized communities in india, Srilekha is a PhD scholar working on understanding body and sexuality among tribal girls, to fill the gaps in research around indigenous women and their stories. Srilekha has worked extensively at the grassroots level with community based organisations, through several advocacy initiatives around Gender, Mental Health, Menstrual Hygiene and Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR) for the indigenous in Jharkhand, over the last 6 years.

Srilekha has also contributed to sustainable livelihood projects and legal aid programs for survivors of sex trafficking. She has been conducting research based programs on maternal health, mental health, gender based violence, sex and sexuality. Her interest lies in conducting workshops for young people on life skills, feminism, gender and sexuality, trauma, resilience and interpersonal relationships.

A Guwahati-based college student pursuing her Masters in Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Bidisha started the #BleedwithDignity campaign on the technology platform Change.org, demanding that the Government of Assam install
biodegradable sanitary pad vending machines in all government schools across the state. Her petition on Change.org has already gathered support from over 90000 people and continues to grow.

Bidisha was selected in Change.org’s flagship program ‘She Creates Change’ having run successful online advocacy
campaigns, which were widely recognised. Through the #BleedwithDignity campaign; she organised and celebrated World Menstrual Hygiene Day, 2019 in Guwahati, Assam by hosting a wall mural by collaborating with local organisations. The initiative was widely covered by national and local media, and the mural was later inaugurated by the event’s chief guest Commissioner of Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) Debeswar Malakar, IAS.

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