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India-China: Are These Signs Of The Relationship Moving To A Progressive Paradigm?

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Several scholars and academicians are interpreting the informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping in several ways. Some are actually quite optimistic about the summit and hoping that the two nuclear powers will arrive to fruitful solutions regarding the disputes that both the country face in the recent times. But, India as an emerging global power should also stay focused on building capacities and maintain good relational ties with her neighbours while also balancing with the major superpowers.

Every responsible government must factor in three geopolitical constituents while setting up a broader foreign policy trajectory – immediate neighbourhood, extended neighbourhood and powers. India’s current government has sent mixed signals on its diplomatic policy.

Its rising tensions with Pakistan involving the country’s developments with Jammu and Kashmir but has cultivated strong partnerships with other neighbouring countries like Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. It has also strengthened its engagement with extended neighbours including the world’s superpowers like the United States and Japan, with the Prime Minister constituting JAI alliance in the backdrop of G20 summit in Osaka, Japan. Though after 2014, India started to take a pro-American tilt in its foreign policy, New Delhi also maintained its cautious stance of not disturbing the equilibrium between the great powers and rising great powers.

China also holds doubly critical for New Delhi as it is both a neighbour and a rising great power with the second–most powerful economy in the world, and the only country capable to sustain a trade war with the United States. There are three main structural problems in ties – the boundary dispute in Arunachal Pradesh, the Pakistan factor and a historical mistrust involving Aksai Chin, Dalai Lama and Tibet. These are the formulaic conventional understandings in the understanding of the India-China relationships.

The rhetoric about India and China’s bilateral relationships are also masked by these persistent structural problems that hobbled their ties. Managing this relationship strategically with China during this crucial moment of New Delhi’s foreign relations has become the biggest test for India’s foreign policy. The second informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping is a good occasion to reflect on the trends in Delhi’s diplomacy towards Beijing, and these structural factors were more or less at play in the run-up to the meeting at Mamallapuram on Friday and Saturday.

An Indian military exercise in Arunachal Pradesh – the region the Chinese calls the South of Tibet – had also irked Beijing. And just last week China also hosted the Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and has assured him of China’s support on all core issues, a statement that had irked New Delhi.

However, despite the bad optics and escalating tensions, the leaders of both sides went a step further for an informal summit suggests their quest to deepen engagement and to maintain peace.

However, this is not the first time that both the countries are setting up an informal summit. The first informal summit took place in Wuhan in April 2018 where both leaders exchanged issues of global and bilateral significance. The Wuhan Summit also managed to achieve to some extent a push-up to the Sino-Indian relationships after a two-month-long border dispute between New Delhi and Beijing at the India-China-Bhutan trijunction in Doklam.

At the Wuhan summit, the two leaders also reached to ‘strategic guidance’ so that serious issues do not escalate like the Doklam standoff and not to let situations spiral out of control. Both the countries do not share active hostility as ‘conventional wisdom,’ but are rather more inclined for a better understanding towards each other. The Chennai Connect summit must see through with this backdrop.

But, as many scholars have pointed out that New Delhi and Beijing are still in a tactical engagement with their ties and not a strategic partnership. It cannot be considered a tactical engagement just like the US and North Korea. The challenge for Modi-Xi meet up in Mamallapuram dialogue was not to allow any kind of glitches hinder their deep tactical engagement.

In this pursuit however, they both face fresh new obstacles to smoothen up the engagement. Some of their quite composite issues like – the massive trade deficit, the ongoing US-China Trade War and also China’s Pakistan Card. Earlier, this was not a challenge especially when China started its economic liberalisation, since the 1970s, under the leadership of the then Chinese dictator Den Xiaoping which transformed China into the world’s second largest economy.

Since then, Beijing’s primary focus was entirely on economic development and a peaceful rise. This period of reforms coincided with the golden era of globalisation and free trade that softened transnational borders making it easier for Beijing to enter the foreign markets, be it South Asia or the far West. At that time, the United States and China were in a much better space, but now things have taken a different turn.

Washington is now taking a more hostile turn towards China and India is steadily enhancing its strategic partnerships with the United States. Mr Xi is also quite bold, assertive and confident about China’s stance and position in the global stage. But, as C Raja Rao puts it, both the superpowers see India as a “swing power.”

Washington always pushes India to enter into alliance and move towards a joint Indo-Pacific strategy, however China doesn’t even want India to move towards the other side of the court. The Pakistan factor is also major issue of contention, and, is also one of the root cause why New Delhi tilts more towards Trump’s anti-China stance. Beijing however, has an upper hand in the international forum with its Pakistan card and opposing India in the UNSC.

This in turn, quite well proves that the Chinese are under no pressure to please India, rather they can afford to displease it with taking stances like the abovementioned Kashmir issue or to question the blocking of India’s membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

This unpleasant fact of this diplomatic front is mostly translating to the power imbalance between the two Asian giants. China’s aggregate GDP, is now at about a staggering $14 trillion, which is nearly five times larger than that of India $2.8 trillion. China’s annual defence budget is at $250 billion which is four times larger than what India spends on defence annually. China has also further outpaced India in the much needed modernisation of its armed forces and a better defence organisation.

Even though China and India are facing a very complex relationship, it does not prove the fact that China and India are hostile neighbours and are on the brink of war. That would be a very unlawful assessment.

There are four major sectors in which India and China can work out to improve their partnership to the next level. Notably, among these sectors would be the avenue of economic cooperation, India and China as the emerging world orders and key players in Asia-Pacific, to negotiate strategically with the China’s Pakistan card –something which New Delhi won’t want China to play with and most importantly to patiently deal with the rising Chinese dominance.

However, now I will look into how China and India have dealt with these four major avenues and how much of it have been achievable through New Delhi’s diplomatic mechanism with Beijing.

1) Avenue Of Economic Cooperation

China is quite keen to make investments in India – especially in the infrastructure and fifth generation network technology architecture. India, on the other hand, is also interested in a better market access to China and also wants the trade imbalance deficit to fall short.

In the Chennai Connect Summit, both leaders extensively discussed about this issue of trade imbalance. India has a massive $53 billion trade deficit with China, which makes up almost a third of its total trade deficit, with the Indian economy facing a slowdown the Indian Government would eye for a lesser trade deficit. Perhaps, even in the Wuhan Summit, similar contentions were raised by Prime Minister Modi to President Xi and according to the Ministry of External Affairs significant visible changes have been observed.

India is also facing a major issue regarding the commitment to sign in to the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) – a free trade agreement among 16 nations that would give China a better access to Indian markets- but New Delhi is stressing for a balanced stand in the agreement mostly because of China’s predatory trade policies.

china-and-pak

However, the ‘High Level Economic and Trade Dialogue’ between the countries will enhance trade volumes, bridge massive trade deficits and will also increase investment in various mutual sectors.

If this dialogue works, then it will also allow influential stakeholders in the business communities of both the countries to promote ties and it will also help Beijing and New Delhi to work closely on a multilateral stage, and again, the Chennai Connect Summit plays a key factor for this cause. However, the true test for the bonhomie between Prime Minister Modi and Chinese President Xi will be the ASEAN-led summit in Bangkok where the conclusion of the RCEP agreement would be introduced.

2) Emerging World Orders

India and China are also seen as the two most important emerging world orders and the champions of multilateralism. The two are key factors for both security and stability in the Asia Pacific region and both countries are cooperating over global issues like tackling climate change.

3) China’s Pakistan Card

This is becoming a major irritant for New Delhi. While India knows that China’s Pakistan card is negotiable, it also has the international opinion in its favour but New Delhi still bargains cautiously, keeping in mind Beijing’s stance and its frequent U-turns. Some of China’s developments prove its adversary attitude to New Delhi.

Last year, Beijing had agreed upon a move that takes Pakistan out of the FATF (Financial Action Task Force) grey list, after India offered support for China’s push at the FATF. But amid mounting international pressure, Beijing removed its hold on the declaration of Masood Azhar as an international terrorist.

However, as the two leaders have agreed upon in the Wuhan Summit and at Mamallapuram, both countries would ‘prudently manage’ differences and will not allow ‘disputes to become differences’ so that it dilutes ‘bilateral cooperation.’

These are things that are easier said than actually done. India often views China through the lens of its ties with Pakistan and China is sceptical about Delhi’s increasing pro-American tilt. Both the China and Pakistani Economic Corridor and the US-India Joint Indo-Pacific vision have further derailed bilateral ties with both nations.

If New Delhi and Beijing actually want to improve on the ties and want to lay foundations of engagement and building cooperation ties in economic, territorial and strategic areas then both must remove the worry of ‘third parties’ from the room.

However, according to eminent scholars of South Asian Studies, informal summits are doing lesser than they are actually perceived to be. From Wuhan, many conclude that informal dialogues tend to be inadequate to cope with the range of structural tensions that have enveloped the bilateral relationships between the nations.

4) Rising Chinese Dominance

China is also a dominant superpower and the only nation in the contemporary post-Cold War, liberalised world where it has the potential to sustain itself even after Donald Trump’s furious trade disagreements which escalated to a trade war. India being a key trading partner of China and one of its nearest neighbours should stay focused on improving ties rather posing a competition.

India should focus on its building capacities and not on conflicts and rivalries. If key Indian policy makers take realistic and long term visions, it could result in expansion of avenues of deeper engagement with a powerful China.

Beijing also must liberate Delhi from prolonged and false illusions about strategic friendship with China and false hopes about building a new global order with it. However, this will help focus India’s effort at the Chennai Connect Summit to take small and pragmatic steps to narrow differences with China on various bilateral issues – the boundary dispute, trade deficit and the development of regional infrastructure.

Taking small and cautious steps might offer a long overdue corrective in the long run to India’s diplomatic tradition of putting the China relationship in the middle of a grandiose framework.

Featured image source: Wang Zhou via Getty Images.
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An ambassador and trained facilitator under Eco Femme (a social enterprise working towards menstrual health in south India), Sanjina is also an active member of the MHM Collective- India and Menstrual Health Alliance- India. She has conducted Menstrual Health sessions in multiple government schools adopted by Rotary District 3240 as part of their WinS project in rural Bengal. She has also delivered training of trainers on SRHR, gender, sexuality and Menstruation for Tomorrow’s Foundation, Vikramshila Education Resource Society, Nirdhan trust and Micro Finance, Tollygunj Women In Need, Paint It Red in Kolkata.

Now as an MH Fellow with YKA, she’s expanding her impressive scope of work further by launching a campaign to facilitate the process of ensuring better menstrual health and SRH services for women residing in correctional homes in West Bengal. The campaign will entail an independent study to take stalk of the present conditions of MHM in correctional homes across the state and use its findings to build public support and political will to take the necessary action.

Saurabh has been associated with YKA as a user and has consistently been writing on the issue MHM and its intersectionality with other issues in the society. Now as an MHM Fellow with YKA, he’s launched the Right to Period campaign, which aims to ensure proper execution of MHM guidelines in Delhi’s schools.

The long-term aim of the campaign is to develop an open culture where menstruation is not treated as a taboo. The campaign also seeks to hold the schools accountable for their responsibilities as an important component in the implementation of MHM policies by making adequate sanitation infrastructure and knowledge of MHM available in school premises.

Read more about his campaign.

Harshita is a psychologist and works to support people with mental health issues, particularly adolescents who are survivors of violence. Associated with the Azadi Foundation in UP, Harshita became an MHM Fellow with YKA, with the aim of promoting better menstrual health.

Her campaign #MeriMarzi aims to promote menstrual health and wellness, hygiene and facilities for female sex workers in UP. She says, “Knowledge about natural body processes is a very basic human right. And for individuals whose occupation is providing sexual services, it becomes even more important.”

Meri Marzi aims to ensure sensitised, non-discriminatory health workers for the needs of female sex workers in the Suraksha Clinics under the UPSACS (Uttar Pradesh State AIDS Control Society) program by creating more dialogues and garnering public support for the cause of sex workers’ menstrual rights. The campaign will also ensure interventions with sex workers to clear misconceptions around overall hygiene management to ensure that results flow both ways.

Read more about her campaign.

MH Fellow Sabna comes with significant experience working with a range of development issues. A co-founder of Project Sakhi Saheli, which aims to combat period poverty and break menstrual taboos, Sabna has, in the past, worked on the issue of menstruation in urban slums of Delhi with women and adolescent girls. She and her team also released MenstraBook, with menstrastories and organised Menstra Tlk in the Delhi School of Social Work to create more conversations on menstruation.

With YKA MHM Fellow Vineet, Sabna launched Menstratalk, a campaign that aims to put an end to period poverty and smash menstrual taboos in society. As a start, the campaign aims to begin conversations on menstrual health with five hundred adolescents and youth in Delhi through offline platforms, and through this community mobilise support to create Period Friendly Institutions out of educational institutes in the city.

Read more about her campaign. 

A student from Delhi School of Social work, Vineet is a part of Project Sakhi Saheli, an initiative by the students of Delhi school of Social Work to create awareness on Menstrual Health and combat Period Poverty. Along with MHM Action Fellow Sabna, Vineet launched Menstratalk, a campaign that aims to put an end to period poverty and smash menstrual taboos in society.

As a start, the campaign aims to begin conversations on menstrual health with five hundred adolescents and youth in Delhi through offline platforms, and through this community mobilise support to create Period Friendly Institutions out of educational institutes in the city.

Find out more about the campaign here.

A native of Bhagalpur district – Bihar, Shalini Jha believes in equal rights for all genders and wants to work for a gender-equal and just society. In the past she’s had a year-long association as a community leader with Haiyya: Organise for Action’s Health Over Stigma campaign. She’s pursuing a Master’s in Literature with Ambedkar University, Delhi and as an MHM Fellow with YKA, recently launched ‘Project अल्हड़ (Alharh)’.

She says, “Bihar is ranked the lowest in India’s SDG Index 2019 for India. Hygienic and comfortable menstruation is a basic human right and sustainable development cannot be ensured if menstruators are deprived of their basic rights.” Project अल्हड़ (Alharh) aims to create a robust sensitised community in Bhagalpur to collectively spread awareness, break the taboo, debunk myths and initiate fearless conversations around menstruation. The campaign aims to reach at least 6000 adolescent girls from government and private schools in Baghalpur district in 2020.

Read more about the campaign here.

A psychologist and co-founder of a mental health NGO called Customize Cognition, Ritika forayed into the space of menstrual health and hygiene, sexual and reproductive healthcare and rights and gender equality as an MHM Fellow with YKA. She says, “The experience of working on MHM/SRHR and gender equality has been an enriching and eye-opening experience. I have learned what’s beneath the surface of the issue, be it awareness, lack of resources or disregard for trans men, who also menstruate.”

The Transmen-ses campaign aims to tackle the issue of silence and disregard for trans men’s menstruation needs, by mobilising gender sensitive health professionals and gender neutral restrooms in Lucknow.

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A Computer Science engineer by education, Nitisha started her career in the corporate sector, before realising she wanted to work in the development and social justice space. Since then, she has worked with Teach For India and Care India and is from the founding batch of Indian School of Development Management (ISDM), a one of its kind organisation creating leaders for the development sector through its experiential learning post graduate program.

As a Youth Ki Awaaz Menstrual Health Fellow, Nitisha has started Let’s Talk Period, a campaign to mobilise young people to switch to sustainable period products. She says, “80 lakh women in Delhi use non-biodegradable sanitary products, generate 3000 tonnes of menstrual waste, that takes 500-800 years to decompose; which in turn contributes to the health issues of all menstruators, increased burden of waste management on the city and harmful living environment for all citizens.

Let’s Talk Period aims to change this by

Find out more about her campaign here.

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A former Assistant Secretary with the Ministry of Women and Child Development in West Bengal for three months, Lakshmi Bhavya has been championing the cause of menstrual hygiene in her district. By associating herself with the Lalana Campaign, a holistic menstrual hygiene awareness campaign which is conducted by the Anahat NGO, Lakshmi has been slowly breaking taboos when it comes to periods and menstrual hygiene.

A Gender Rights Activist working with the tribal and marginalized communities in india, Srilekha is a PhD scholar working on understanding body and sexuality among tribal girls, to fill the gaps in research around indigenous women and their stories. Srilekha has worked extensively at the grassroots level with community based organisations, through several advocacy initiatives around Gender, Mental Health, Menstrual Hygiene and Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR) for the indigenous in Jharkhand, over the last 6 years.

Srilekha has also contributed to sustainable livelihood projects and legal aid programs for survivors of sex trafficking. She has been conducting research based programs on maternal health, mental health, gender based violence, sex and sexuality. Her interest lies in conducting workshops for young people on life skills, feminism, gender and sexuality, trauma, resilience and interpersonal relationships.

A Guwahati-based college student pursuing her Masters in Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Bidisha started the #BleedwithDignity campaign on the technology platform Change.org, demanding that the Government of Assam install
biodegradable sanitary pad vending machines in all government schools across the state. Her petition on Change.org has already gathered support from over 90000 people and continues to grow.

Bidisha was selected in Change.org’s flagship program ‘She Creates Change’ having run successful online advocacy
campaigns, which were widely recognised. Through the #BleedwithDignity campaign; she organised and celebrated World Menstrual Hygiene Day, 2019 in Guwahati, Assam by hosting a wall mural by collaborating with local organisations. The initiative was widely covered by national and local media, and the mural was later inaugurated by the event’s chief guest Commissioner of Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) Debeswar Malakar, IAS.

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