This post has been self-published on Youth Ki Awaaz by Vineet George. Just like them, anyone can publish on Youth Ki Awaaz.

In India, Caste And Class Still Determine Who Gets Justice And Who Gets Criminalised

More from Vineet George

The widely reported incident of a white woman making a call to the police in response to a black birdwatcher asking her to leash her dog in New York’s Central Park has emerged as the latest flashpoint in the racially charged politics of the United States. What was particularly striking about the incident was that the woman vociferously claimed that she is not racist and invoked the language of “protection” and “threat” in her defence of calling the police (falsified by the video recording).

The fact that the black man was put at grave risk of physical harm by the police while the complainant faced no risks, exposed the morally repugnant reliance on law enforcement by privileged groups to protect their dominance in social interactions and the racial stereotyping of black men as “aggressors”. 

The Resemblances In Our Own Backyard: India And Its Classism

India's police is classist
Image used for representation purposes only/ Incidents which have a class character have been redescribed by the perpetrators as responses to “threatening demeanour” and “bullying” to provide (often for oneself) a language of liberal justification.

While a lot of the issues associated with the incident are particular to the specific racial context of the United States and its painful history of slavery and segregation, it is strongly paralleled in the disciplining of lower-class persons in India’s urban spaces by privileged Indians accessing the police. In several cases, incidents which have a class character have been redescribed by the perpetrators as responses to “threatening demeanour” and “bullying” to provide (often for oneself) a language of liberal justification. The police’s persistent class biases and tendency to resort to extra-legal punishments makes this reliance a cause for grave concern. 

Social hierarchies and their violent manifestations in sporadic killings and beatings (much like race in the United States) are a staple of both rural and urban Indian settings.

However, while in the rural context the violence is often baldly justified in a casteist language, in urban settings such invocations are often desisted to ensure palatability to liberal sensibilities and ensure a certain tastefulness. The caste and class nature of the interactions are redescribed as responses to perceived aggression, sometimes with such evocative power that they are believed authentic by the very person who crafts them.

While this “disciplining” is carried out by both men and women who occupy positions of relative power, the descriptions of threats are typically most compelling when the dynamic is one between upper-class women and lower-class men. This is partly because of the patriarchal association of womanhood, especially elite womanhood with fragility and the reactive incomprehensibility when an adult man pleads “danger”.

This specific interaction is analysed from the lens of the relative “testimonial credibility” that elite actors possess in accessing law enforcement which enables them to cloak the class dynamic and falsify a narrative of “aggression”. But before that, it is important to note two cautionary clarifications. 

Firstly, it is not suggested that gendered domination cannot be or generally is not inflicted by lower-class men in public settings. The threat of physical violence by men of all classes pervades the social interactions of women in workplaces, markets, and homes. Women facing these threats are entirely justified in accessing law enforcement irrespective of the status of the perpetrator in question. Despite their relative power concerning lower-class persons, privileged women can find access to law enforcement to be strenuous and harassing.

Secondly, in the present patriarchal setting, women’s accounts of threats and abuse must be believed, the popular narrative that women are “habitual liars” or regularly falsify minor disputes as “harassment” is false and regressive. The purpose presently, however, is to account for the causes of the distortion and appropriation of progressive concerns of “safety” for achieving classist objectives which would be both wrong and contrary to the interests of the women’s movement broadly conceived.

 Where Do Women Safety And Classism Intersect?

Image used for representation purposes/Sexual assaults committed by privileged men are ignored, as are those committed against lower-class women because they fall outside this framing device.

The media conversation surrounding issues of women’s safety over the last several decades has persisted with the creation of the classist profile of a rapist. Through selective coverage and a distinct pattern in the framing of debates, he is presented as a ragged manual labourer who typifies conservative rural backwardness ill at ease with the “modern women” in the city.

The dark street corner is conceived of as the site of rape and the “aspirational” working woman is judged as the primary target. These presumptions have seldom been explicitly acknowledged (that would undermine their potency) but pervade middle-class sensibility. Sexual assaults committed by privileged men are ignored, as are those committed against lower-class women because they fall outside this framing device.

Despite studies showing that these categories account for a large proportion of sexual assaults, they receive little public attention because they lack the saleability of the “clash of civilisations” narrative that the middle-class public is ready to lap up given its general contempt for the “troublemaking” lower class.  

This is a dangerous stereotyping, not only does it efface the stories of a majority of victims of sexual assault (often the most vulnerable), but it presents rape as a “culture problem” of India’s most disadvantaged communities. Migrant labourers are seen to personify incurable civilisational rottenness that has to be policed and disciplined for the protection of “liberated” women (never mind the women they share their homes with).

The dirty, sweat-drenched man pulling a thela (hand-cart) is viewed as a suspect aggressor, someone to be kept at a distance and to protect your daughters from. The inflated fear of lower-class men is legitimised as rational and necessary to such an extent that the most mundane acts of assertiveness could be categorised as “threatening”.  

This stereotyping of lower-class men as natural aggressors has caused them to be considered to lack complete personhood, interactions with them are marked by a transactional shallowness and barely suppressed contempt. The economic task they perform exhausts their significance, with their narratives and voices being muffled by reflexive deafness. They are considered unreliable narrators, and even when communicated, their narratives fail to inspire confidence and get much less empathy. 

 How Lack Of Social Status Influences Our Judgment And Belief In The Lower Class 

Image for representation purposes/ Lower-class men find themselves dismissed as habitual liars or unintelligible idiots in police settings.

This social halfness of lower-class men allows for others to exhaustively describe the narrative of interaction with them, with their voices never having existed as socially significant. Consider for instance an assertive rickshaw puller’s refusal to compromise on his due fare being redescribed as masculine aggression that warrants public intervention to restore order (read hierarchy), or a security guard’s prolonged interaction with a young woman being coloured with the possibility of sexual aggression and judged adverse to her safety. The lack of money and social status effectively deprives them of persuasively telling stories rooted in their perspective and inspiring belief. 

This “testimonial unreliability” is exacerbated in their interactions with the police and officers of the state. Despite a pervasive suspicion of the legal process, the police continue to represent protection against the “dangerous men” of the lower classes. This indeed is a task that the police are uniquely well-equipped for, having repeatedly demonstrated a deep-rooted prejudice against poor and lower caste citizens.

Lower-class men find themselves dismissed as habitual liars or unintelligible idiots in police settings. The fact that the policeman is the effective judge and possesses the capacity to administer extra-legal punishment, makes the consequences of this vulnerability especially stark.

The lathi (club) wielding havaldar’s (constable) capricious decisions determine the possibility of a serious injury, minor thrashing, or painful extortion, trapping the “perpetrator” in a kafkaesque prison of their social location. 

This is not to suggest that women who enjoy class privilege find a reliable ally in the police, their complaints are also viewed with suspicion unless they are accompanied by men or perform a complex patriarchal “respectability”. However, there is still a pervasive prejudice that makes lower-class men and women disproportionately vulnerable in police settings. 

Even in cases of sexual harassment and assault, this punishment of the police has a problematic extra-legal and disproportionate character that feminists have good cause to be suspicious of. But when the notion of “aggression” is undergoing a classist redefinition a reliance on the police even if in a minority of cases is a cause for grave concern.

The unspoken class prejudice exacts a cost in sentencing the “perpetrator” to both a barbaric punishment and the public stigma of being in the wrong. It prevents the victims of class oppression from the dignity of even recognising their own victimhood by overwhelming their narration with the authoritative wielding of adverse testimony. 

The history of the feminist movement attests to the power of description being a decisive and transformational tool in the hands of women. The re-description of normalised gendered oppression as sexual harassment has created a powerful movement towards a more equitable workplace. However, there are also dangerous potentialities in the power of re-description in maintaining systems of domination that must be guarded against.

The re-description of interactions shaped by class as responses to “aggression” and a normalisation of the use of the police to discipline lower-class men (irrespective of reasonable cause) is a cause of contemporary concern for feminists and the supporters of progressive politics. 

The ascendency of feminist ideas makes them especially vulnerable to distortion and appropriation by dominant structures that can blunt their radical potentialities. The dangerous association of poverty with patriarchy serves to both exonerate privileged men and reify the class segregated enclaves that characterise social life in the sub-continent. It also constricts the freedoms available to women to explore consensual relationships outside of class silos and colours all inter-class interaction with an invasive hue.

As historic victims of a culture of disbelief and public suspicion, feminists are in a position to recognise and empathise with the vulnerabilities of disadvantaged communities. The social insignificance of lower-class men and women should be a concern for the women’s movement if it is to embrace a normative objection to all forms of domination and shed its class character. It is incumbent upon the votaries of change against the oppressive reality to rebut classist stereotypes and infuse complexity in our understandings of the interplays of caste, class, and gender. 

You must be to comment.
  1. Kaira Gupta

    Beautifully written

    1. Vineet George

      Thanks Kaira! Glad you liked it 🙂

More from Vineet George

Similar Posts

By Khadeeja Saniyya

By Shruti

By Esha Tomar

Wondering what to write about?

Here are some topics to get you started

Share your details to download the report.









We promise not to spam or send irrelevant information.

Share your details to download the report.









We promise not to spam or send irrelevant information.

An ambassador and trained facilitator under Eco Femme (a social enterprise working towards menstrual health in south India), Sanjina is also an active member of the MHM Collective- India and Menstrual Health Alliance- India. She has conducted Menstrual Health sessions in multiple government schools adopted by Rotary District 3240 as part of their WinS project in rural Bengal. She has also delivered training of trainers on SRHR, gender, sexuality and Menstruation for Tomorrow’s Foundation, Vikramshila Education Resource Society, Nirdhan trust and Micro Finance, Tollygunj Women In Need, Paint It Red in Kolkata.

Now as an MH Fellow with YKA, she’s expanding her impressive scope of work further by launching a campaign to facilitate the process of ensuring better menstrual health and SRH services for women residing in correctional homes in West Bengal. The campaign will entail an independent study to take stalk of the present conditions of MHM in correctional homes across the state and use its findings to build public support and political will to take the necessary action.

Saurabh has been associated with YKA as a user and has consistently been writing on the issue MHM and its intersectionality with other issues in the society. Now as an MHM Fellow with YKA, he’s launched the Right to Period campaign, which aims to ensure proper execution of MHM guidelines in Delhi’s schools.

The long-term aim of the campaign is to develop an open culture where menstruation is not treated as a taboo. The campaign also seeks to hold the schools accountable for their responsibilities as an important component in the implementation of MHM policies by making adequate sanitation infrastructure and knowledge of MHM available in school premises.

Read more about his campaign.

Harshita is a psychologist and works to support people with mental health issues, particularly adolescents who are survivors of violence. Associated with the Azadi Foundation in UP, Harshita became an MHM Fellow with YKA, with the aim of promoting better menstrual health.

Her campaign #MeriMarzi aims to promote menstrual health and wellness, hygiene and facilities for female sex workers in UP. She says, “Knowledge about natural body processes is a very basic human right. And for individuals whose occupation is providing sexual services, it becomes even more important.”

Meri Marzi aims to ensure sensitised, non-discriminatory health workers for the needs of female sex workers in the Suraksha Clinics under the UPSACS (Uttar Pradesh State AIDS Control Society) program by creating more dialogues and garnering public support for the cause of sex workers’ menstrual rights. The campaign will also ensure interventions with sex workers to clear misconceptions around overall hygiene management to ensure that results flow both ways.

Read more about her campaign.

MH Fellow Sabna comes with significant experience working with a range of development issues. A co-founder of Project Sakhi Saheli, which aims to combat period poverty and break menstrual taboos, Sabna has, in the past, worked on the issue of menstruation in urban slums of Delhi with women and adolescent girls. She and her team also released MenstraBook, with menstrastories and organised Menstra Tlk in the Delhi School of Social Work to create more conversations on menstruation.

With YKA MHM Fellow Vineet, Sabna launched Menstratalk, a campaign that aims to put an end to period poverty and smash menstrual taboos in society. As a start, the campaign aims to begin conversations on menstrual health with five hundred adolescents and youth in Delhi through offline platforms, and through this community mobilise support to create Period Friendly Institutions out of educational institutes in the city.

Read more about her campaign. 

A student from Delhi School of Social work, Vineet is a part of Project Sakhi Saheli, an initiative by the students of Delhi school of Social Work to create awareness on Menstrual Health and combat Period Poverty. Along with MHM Action Fellow Sabna, Vineet launched Menstratalk, a campaign that aims to put an end to period poverty and smash menstrual taboos in society.

As a start, the campaign aims to begin conversations on menstrual health with five hundred adolescents and youth in Delhi through offline platforms, and through this community mobilise support to create Period Friendly Institutions out of educational institutes in the city.

Find out more about the campaign here.

A native of Bhagalpur district – Bihar, Shalini Jha believes in equal rights for all genders and wants to work for a gender-equal and just society. In the past she’s had a year-long association as a community leader with Haiyya: Organise for Action’s Health Over Stigma campaign. She’s pursuing a Master’s in Literature with Ambedkar University, Delhi and as an MHM Fellow with YKA, recently launched ‘Project अल्हड़ (Alharh)’.

She says, “Bihar is ranked the lowest in India’s SDG Index 2019 for India. Hygienic and comfortable menstruation is a basic human right and sustainable development cannot be ensured if menstruators are deprived of their basic rights.” Project अल्हड़ (Alharh) aims to create a robust sensitised community in Bhagalpur to collectively spread awareness, break the taboo, debunk myths and initiate fearless conversations around menstruation. The campaign aims to reach at least 6000 adolescent girls from government and private schools in Baghalpur district in 2020.

Read more about the campaign here.

A psychologist and co-founder of a mental health NGO called Customize Cognition, Ritika forayed into the space of menstrual health and hygiene, sexual and reproductive healthcare and rights and gender equality as an MHM Fellow with YKA. She says, “The experience of working on MHM/SRHR and gender equality has been an enriching and eye-opening experience. I have learned what’s beneath the surface of the issue, be it awareness, lack of resources or disregard for trans men, who also menstruate.”

The Transmen-ses campaign aims to tackle the issue of silence and disregard for trans men’s menstruation needs, by mobilising gender sensitive health professionals and gender neutral restrooms in Lucknow.

Read more about the campaign here.

A Computer Science engineer by education, Nitisha started her career in the corporate sector, before realising she wanted to work in the development and social justice space. Since then, she has worked with Teach For India and Care India and is from the founding batch of Indian School of Development Management (ISDM), a one of its kind organisation creating leaders for the development sector through its experiential learning post graduate program.

As a Youth Ki Awaaz Menstrual Health Fellow, Nitisha has started Let’s Talk Period, a campaign to mobilise young people to switch to sustainable period products. She says, “80 lakh women in Delhi use non-biodegradable sanitary products, generate 3000 tonnes of menstrual waste, that takes 500-800 years to decompose; which in turn contributes to the health issues of all menstruators, increased burden of waste management on the city and harmful living environment for all citizens.

Let’s Talk Period aims to change this by

Find out more about her campaign here.

Share your details to download the report.









We promise not to spam or send irrelevant information.

A former Assistant Secretary with the Ministry of Women and Child Development in West Bengal for three months, Lakshmi Bhavya has been championing the cause of menstrual hygiene in her district. By associating herself with the Lalana Campaign, a holistic menstrual hygiene awareness campaign which is conducted by the Anahat NGO, Lakshmi has been slowly breaking taboos when it comes to periods and menstrual hygiene.

A Gender Rights Activist working with the tribal and marginalized communities in india, Srilekha is a PhD scholar working on understanding body and sexuality among tribal girls, to fill the gaps in research around indigenous women and their stories. Srilekha has worked extensively at the grassroots level with community based organisations, through several advocacy initiatives around Gender, Mental Health, Menstrual Hygiene and Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR) for the indigenous in Jharkhand, over the last 6 years.

Srilekha has also contributed to sustainable livelihood projects and legal aid programs for survivors of sex trafficking. She has been conducting research based programs on maternal health, mental health, gender based violence, sex and sexuality. Her interest lies in conducting workshops for young people on life skills, feminism, gender and sexuality, trauma, resilience and interpersonal relationships.

A Guwahati-based college student pursuing her Masters in Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Bidisha started the #BleedwithDignity campaign on the technology platform Change.org, demanding that the Government of Assam install
biodegradable sanitary pad vending machines in all government schools across the state. Her petition on Change.org has already gathered support from over 90000 people and continues to grow.

Bidisha was selected in Change.org’s flagship program ‘She Creates Change’ having run successful online advocacy
campaigns, which were widely recognised. Through the #BleedwithDignity campaign; she organised and celebrated World Menstrual Hygiene Day, 2019 in Guwahati, Assam by hosting a wall mural by collaborating with local organisations. The initiative was widely covered by national and local media, and the mural was later inaugurated by the event’s chief guest Commissioner of Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) Debeswar Malakar, IAS.

Sign up for the Youth Ki Awaaz Prime Ministerial Brief below