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The History Of Indian Fascism: Its Not Just The BJP

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“We aim to establish a Hindu nation like the Nazi state was founded by Hitler.”

These words of Golwalkar were not just words. They also established Muslims as religious enemies and a Hindu nation based on Brahminical ideas. The system established by Hitler in 1933 is known as Nazism, in which Jews were religiously considered inferior to the Aryan race of Germany and were crushed with barbarism. In fact, it was a period when capitalism came to the world in its most dangerous state.

Hitler introduced fascism and it has found a potent form in modern India

The imperialist spread and the colonial plunder associated with it made all the big nations enemies before each other. And in such a situation, hindering the free development of financial capital (bank capital and industrial capital) started on a large scale. In the economic downturn of 1929 where the social-democratic system was failing at that time, the Russian socialist system was progressing towards its development.

Therefore, to maintain the capital spread in such a state of capitalist crisis, to keep the business smooth, a blind nationalist Nazist system was strengthened in Germany. Marx attempted to mark the problem of the overproduction of capitalism in his composition “Manifesto of Communist Party“. But the 1920s saw Lenin in his book “Imperialism – The Highest State of Capitalism“, he wrote in detail, in this he had marked problems such as export of capital from colonies (which moved from colonial to imperialist country), bank capital, and industrial capital.

rising hindutva fascism

Hiding Fascist Tendencies In Indian History

When nationalist historiography started in response to colonial historiography, the history of ancient times of Indian was continuously glorified and medieval history was looked down upon. The process of showing India as a nation begins by hiding the Brahminical atrocities of ancient times. In which in later times, the leading role of history was played by the famous “Bal Lal Pal” of history.

But one such religion was parallel to that which was backward from the level of education, the earlier ruling class was based on religion. Due to such unilateral historiography and the Congress’s consistently pro-Hindu policy, the Muslim community started forming separate organizations for their economic interest and social insecurity.

In the 1920s, when foreign financial capital was in danger due to the World War, at the same time, many lower caste movements within India were reaching their next phase which was a direct challenge to the Brahminical system. And in the time of such a financial crisis, banks started to be established to bring money inside India. There was a rise of broker banks like the Imperial Bank of India, whose financial base was foreign.

So both the Brahminical system and foreign capital in this round were riddled with problems and in the same period in 1915, the Hindu Mahasabha was founded. It is founded by V. D. Savarkar, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and Malaviya, who on the one hand promoted Hinduism (which is basically based on Brahminical ideology), while it also reinforced colonial power.

The Growth Of Hindutva In Colonial India

After this, in 1925, it came out in a new way in the form of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh, whose full goal was for the Hindu nation to be established. In which it was openly said that India is a Hindu nation and all the people living here are Hindus. Hindu nationalism was basically based on Brahminical ideology that oppressed Dalits, tribals, women and other minorities inside India for centuries.

Veer Savarkar was one of the key propagators of Hindutva nationalism.

This nationalism, where it was insensitive to cultural diversity, brokered foreign imperialist forces with its ideological establishment. Through the people, he presented the Muslims as the biggest enemy of the Hindu and in the freedom struggle, Hindutva forces remained in the English camp continuously. At the same time, it continued to show the Dalits that they could be part of their false nation, but in every possible effort to maintain the society formed in the category, one of the major objectives was to rob the labor of Dalits and women.

In the Quit India Movement in 1942, this entire class was engaged in crushing the movement. It becomes relevant to know the opinion of Gandhi who was shot by Nathuram Godse in 1948 because he was working to reconcile the citizens of this country. In his collected work, Gandhi writes that “that’s my religion first and nation later on and I recognize more closely with the country’s own religion.” Gandhi, in many of his messages, has accepted the Varna system as correct, which establishes Brahmanical supremacy.

But after the transfer of power in 1947, in favor of Brahminical ideology and brokers of foreign capital, the ruling class took over the reins of power in place of the British. The ban was removed from the RSS 1 year and 4 months after the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi. And in the same year, in 1949, the statue of Ram Sita was installed in Babri Masjid by the Kar Sevaks. After this, this matter increased with the support of the ruling class, and eventually, the Babri Masjid was demolished in 1992.

Defined fascism in the Communist International Executive of 13 meetings and stated that “ fascism financial capital of the most reactionary, most Andharashtrwadi and imperialist elements of dictatorship is “.At that time, fascism was a new political structure that came against the crisis of financial capital and socialism basically. The direct nationalist race, the preference for private national interest, and the imperialist lips helped it to come into its form.

What Is The Character Of Fascism In India?

But there is some difference in the continuously growing fascist character inside India which will be important to mark which is being determined by the nature of the developed state from its economic-political perspective. The historical character of the Indian state has been Brahminical Hinduism. The basis of Brahminism in India is the caste system, in which the Brahmins have been given high status and the Shudras are low.

Pollution and untouchability. These principles clearly gave the division of work and Shudra was given the work of service to all. Apart from this, women and tribals were brought to the lower places in this system. Therefore, it would be appropriate to define the form of fascism developing in India as Brahminical Hindu fascism.

The financial crisis inside India, which is basically before the transfer of power, is our dependence on foreign capital. And it is important to relate this dependency to economic problems. But there are many reasons for this. The development of the banking system within the country which started in the 1900s was based on foreign capital and it was given only to foreign capitalists and landlords and broker traders of India.

These were the same sections that were growing on foreign capital and became helpful in exporting the capital produced from the country’s raw materials. Later this class not only provided mines, lands, and water inside India for foreign capital but also provided different facilities for them from time to time. Within India, the development of SEZ, easement of mining rules, ease of land acquisition, etc. were such tasks that this state has been continuously doing for foreign capital.

According to one figure, no change has been seen in the wages of Indian workers (formal) between 2000 and 2014. The same system has been continuously making labor laws easier and snatching the right to over timing from workers, the right to protest, and the right to work permanently (Wedge Code Bill, 2019).

At the international level, it has been historically found that the development of fascism has taken place on a wide scale in the stage of a crisis. Because it presents the internal economic problem of the state as an imaginary enemy. These times have come continuously inside India and fascism came out strong in it.

The Flourish Of Capitalism And Fascism In Modern India

In 1967, when the farmers were constantly frustrated about land sharing, the Naxalbari movement was started in Bengal for the political battle of land, which basically removed the feudal system and the dichotomy the bourgeoisie and the new democratic power wanted to maintain. This could have made it difficult for the government to get cheap land for mining and other activities.

Therefore, the government called it an internal crisis, the same government encouraged the nationalization of banks and co-provided capital and broker capitalist outside. But this problem did not end here when the liberal system was adopted in the 1990s, so that the market of India, which was previously indirectly open, was now fully opened. But at such a time, the farmer was troubled by the continuous production, non-increasing income, and increasing unemployment.

At the same time, the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992, which creates the atmosphere of Hindu Muslims in the whole country. Due to which the whole country deviated from the basic issues and the state hid its underlying problem.

In 2005, when the claims of land, productivity, and development were false, the state came up with a scheme like MNREGA which was actually used in many areas to end the provisions in the Forest Act in a different way. But at the same time, the government brings a scheme like Salwa Judum in 2008, in which the tribals are expelled from the jungle with accusations of being Naxalites, and in this, there have been cases of killing many tribals and raping women.

Apart from this, the plunder of resources from Assam, all the seashores, and the mountainous areas have been sustained. Where millions of villages were submerged by building the Tehri Dam in Uttarakhand, the environmental potential of the area was not at all suitable for that project. Environmental impact assessment several times Not even got it done. On the other hand, the Indian broker capitalists are reaping the benefits of continuous oil and gas exploration from Assam.

Even after the transfer of power by the Brahminical forces, Dalits were always kept in the social system. The outward settlement of the Dalit settlement in the village even today is proof of this. India has a long history of attacking Dalits, which was done by upper caste people to maintain the caste system. In 1968, 44 Dalit laborers were killed in the state of Tamil Nadu by the zamindar to increase the wage.

In 1981, Phoolan Devi of the Mallah caste was raped by the Rajput for several days. Ranvir Sena inside Bihar, Which was an army of higher caste Bhumihars, attacked Dalits many times and killed many scheduled castes and tribes. Apart from this, feudal armies like Bajrang Dal, Hindu Raksha Vahini, Gau Rakshak Squad, not only worked to keep the Brahminical system alive but also strengthened the distorted system like Hindutva nationalism.

A major case in Khalanji, Maharashtra came to light when all the members of a Dalit family were killed simply because the woman had her own land. Apart from this, in 2019, a Dalit boy was killed in Uttar Pradesh’s Sonbhadra because he went to defecate on the land of a higher caste person. Therefore, this caste violence within India is not only because there is low caste hatred but it is also necessary for a Brahminical discipline.

Since labor will continue to be exploited by maintaining supreme rights over the land, it can also be used as cheap labor for the broker capitalists with whom these feudal forces have direct alliances.

The Hindutva Brahminical government of India amended the citizenship law by creating the same National Register of Citizens and forcing many to become citizens of foreign capital as surplus labor. There was a racial aspect of declaring the supreme as the same in Nazi Germany too. In India also, the supremacy of the Brahmin was historically considered sacrosanct by Manuvadis.

Anti CAA protest in Assam was massive during December 2019

The Indian ruling class poses a danger in the development of every kind of nationality due to an expansionist tendency. Since 1948, the Indian state has crushed the demand for Kashmir nationality on its own. The Naga state has struggled for a long time due to its different culture, geographical structure, and different economic production relationship.

But the Indian state has ruthlessly crushed all these demands and paved the way for foreign capital. As soon as Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir was abolished, loans were announced by the ADB for that area.

Fascism is always aggressively attacking any kind of democratic right or claim with a populist claim that is widely used in the media to carry it forward and distract the public’s understanding. Althusser wrote in his article that the media always works to reproduce the state but as the fascist character of the state increases, it becomes more reactionary.

The Role Of Media

Indian state media Doordarshan continued to run the Brahminical family serial along with Mahabharata, Ramayana, this media kept hiding the news continuously during the Sikh massacre in 1985 and the number of Muslims sterilized during the emergency. After 2014, the media either attributed any incident to Muslims or Pakistan. In fact, in Fascist rule, an imaginary enemy is told, while a particular culture is also targeted.

At present, the Indian mainstream media has given a lot of air to the Brahminical Hinduism agenda by running the same news all day, It is working to develop psychology by constantly repeating the words that create cracks. At the same time, this media is hiding the economic failure of the country and bringing a hollow picture to the people. And the media has done this work with full vigor. In Germany, this work was done against the Jews and Russia was proved to be the enemy.

Historical results suggest that taking the revolutionary ideology forward to fight fascism, looking at the new society above economics is the only option. In his article, Dimitro, while advocating a united front, has discussed in detail that our struggle must be ideological as well as practical in which it is considered right to go ahead by challenging the system. It requires all progressive class leftists, moderately progressive, semi proletariat, urban petty bourgeoisie, various nationalities to unite for a fundamental change.

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An ambassador and trained facilitator under Eco Femme (a social enterprise working towards menstrual health in south India), Sanjina is also an active member of the MHM Collective- India and Menstrual Health Alliance- India. She has conducted Menstrual Health sessions in multiple government schools adopted by Rotary District 3240 as part of their WinS project in rural Bengal. She has also delivered training of trainers on SRHR, gender, sexuality and Menstruation for Tomorrow’s Foundation, Vikramshila Education Resource Society, Nirdhan trust and Micro Finance, Tollygunj Women In Need, Paint It Red in Kolkata.

Now as an MH Fellow with YKA, she’s expanding her impressive scope of work further by launching a campaign to facilitate the process of ensuring better menstrual health and SRH services for women residing in correctional homes in West Bengal. The campaign will entail an independent study to take stalk of the present conditions of MHM in correctional homes across the state and use its findings to build public support and political will to take the necessary action.

Saurabh has been associated with YKA as a user and has consistently been writing on the issue MHM and its intersectionality with other issues in the society. Now as an MHM Fellow with YKA, he’s launched the Right to Period campaign, which aims to ensure proper execution of MHM guidelines in Delhi’s schools.

The long-term aim of the campaign is to develop an open culture where menstruation is not treated as a taboo. The campaign also seeks to hold the schools accountable for their responsibilities as an important component in the implementation of MHM policies by making adequate sanitation infrastructure and knowledge of MHM available in school premises.

Read more about his campaign.

Harshita is a psychologist and works to support people with mental health issues, particularly adolescents who are survivors of violence. Associated with the Azadi Foundation in UP, Harshita became an MHM Fellow with YKA, with the aim of promoting better menstrual health.

Her campaign #MeriMarzi aims to promote menstrual health and wellness, hygiene and facilities for female sex workers in UP. She says, “Knowledge about natural body processes is a very basic human right. And for individuals whose occupation is providing sexual services, it becomes even more important.”

Meri Marzi aims to ensure sensitised, non-discriminatory health workers for the needs of female sex workers in the Suraksha Clinics under the UPSACS (Uttar Pradesh State AIDS Control Society) program by creating more dialogues and garnering public support for the cause of sex workers’ menstrual rights. The campaign will also ensure interventions with sex workers to clear misconceptions around overall hygiene management to ensure that results flow both ways.

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MH Fellow Sabna comes with significant experience working with a range of development issues. A co-founder of Project Sakhi Saheli, which aims to combat period poverty and break menstrual taboos, Sabna has, in the past, worked on the issue of menstruation in urban slums of Delhi with women and adolescent girls. She and her team also released MenstraBook, with menstrastories and organised Menstra Tlk in the Delhi School of Social Work to create more conversations on menstruation.

With YKA MHM Fellow Vineet, Sabna launched Menstratalk, a campaign that aims to put an end to period poverty and smash menstrual taboos in society. As a start, the campaign aims to begin conversations on menstrual health with five hundred adolescents and youth in Delhi through offline platforms, and through this community mobilise support to create Period Friendly Institutions out of educational institutes in the city.

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A student from Delhi School of Social work, Vineet is a part of Project Sakhi Saheli, an initiative by the students of Delhi school of Social Work to create awareness on Menstrual Health and combat Period Poverty. Along with MHM Action Fellow Sabna, Vineet launched Menstratalk, a campaign that aims to put an end to period poverty and smash menstrual taboos in society.

As a start, the campaign aims to begin conversations on menstrual health with five hundred adolescents and youth in Delhi through offline platforms, and through this community mobilise support to create Period Friendly Institutions out of educational institutes in the city.

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She says, “Bihar is ranked the lowest in India’s SDG Index 2019 for India. Hygienic and comfortable menstruation is a basic human right and sustainable development cannot be ensured if menstruators are deprived of their basic rights.” Project अल्हड़ (Alharh) aims to create a robust sensitised community in Bhagalpur to collectively spread awareness, break the taboo, debunk myths and initiate fearless conversations around menstruation. The campaign aims to reach at least 6000 adolescent girls from government and private schools in Baghalpur district in 2020.

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A Computer Science engineer by education, Nitisha started her career in the corporate sector, before realising she wanted to work in the development and social justice space. Since then, she has worked with Teach For India and Care India and is from the founding batch of Indian School of Development Management (ISDM), a one of its kind organisation creating leaders for the development sector through its experiential learning post graduate program.

As a Youth Ki Awaaz Menstrual Health Fellow, Nitisha has started Let’s Talk Period, a campaign to mobilise young people to switch to sustainable period products. She says, “80 lakh women in Delhi use non-biodegradable sanitary products, generate 3000 tonnes of menstrual waste, that takes 500-800 years to decompose; which in turn contributes to the health issues of all menstruators, increased burden of waste management on the city and harmful living environment for all citizens.

Let’s Talk Period aims to change this by

Find out more about her campaign here.

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A former Assistant Secretary with the Ministry of Women and Child Development in West Bengal for three months, Lakshmi Bhavya has been championing the cause of menstrual hygiene in her district. By associating herself with the Lalana Campaign, a holistic menstrual hygiene awareness campaign which is conducted by the Anahat NGO, Lakshmi has been slowly breaking taboos when it comes to periods and menstrual hygiene.

A Gender Rights Activist working with the tribal and marginalized communities in india, Srilekha is a PhD scholar working on understanding body and sexuality among tribal girls, to fill the gaps in research around indigenous women and their stories. Srilekha has worked extensively at the grassroots level with community based organisations, through several advocacy initiatives around Gender, Mental Health, Menstrual Hygiene and Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights (SRHR) for the indigenous in Jharkhand, over the last 6 years.

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A Guwahati-based college student pursuing her Masters in Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Bidisha started the #BleedwithDignity campaign on the technology platform, demanding that the Government of Assam install
biodegradable sanitary pad vending machines in all government schools across the state. Her petition on has already gathered support from over 90000 people and continues to grow.

Bidisha was selected in’s flagship program ‘She Creates Change’ having run successful online advocacy
campaigns, which were widely recognised. Through the #BleedwithDignity campaign; she organised and celebrated World Menstrual Hygiene Day, 2019 in Guwahati, Assam by hosting a wall mural by collaborating with local organisations. The initiative was widely covered by national and local media, and the mural was later inaugurated by the event’s chief guest Commissioner of Guwahati Municipal Corporation (GMC) Debeswar Malakar, IAS.

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